Democracy Gone Astray

Democracy, being a human construct, needs to be thought of as directionality rather than an object. As such, to understand it requires not so much a description of existing structures and/or other related phenomena but a declaration of intentionality.
This blog aims at creating labeled lists of published infringements of such intentionality, of points in time where democracy strays from its intended directionality. In addition to outright infringements, this blog also collects important contemporary information and/or discussions that impact our socio-political landscape.

All the posts here were published in the electronic media – main-stream as well as fringe, and maintain links to the original texts.

[NOTE: Due to changes I haven't caught on time in the blogging software, all of the 'Original Article' links were nullified between September 11, 2012 and December 11, 2012. My apologies.]

Sunday, February 10, 2013

Lipstick for the Senate

Canadians don’t normally associate the plump, cosseted Senate with sex, violence, skulduggery and uproar. The august Red Chamber likes to think of itself as a place of sober second thought, not an episode of Breaking Bad. But now that Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s Conservative appointees own the joint it’s beginning to look more like a biker bar.

Senator Patrick Brazeau was hauled before an Ottawa judge on Friday, charged with assault and sexual assault. But not before Harper booted the trouble-prone senator from the Tory caucus. He sees the case as “extremely appalling.” Brazeau, whose Twitter handle is @TheBrazman, is a brash figure well-known for sniping at Theresa Spence and other native leaders, falling behind in child support payments and slagging the media. He’s now “on leave” with full pay until the charges are dealt with.

The trouble-plagued Senate also suddenly announced on Friday that it has hired auditors at Deloitte to run a fine-tooth comb through the residency declarations and expense accounts not only of Brazeau but also senators Mike Duffy and Mac Harb, after questions were raised about improper expense claims. And to round things off, the Senate is seeking legal advice on Duffy’s residency.

This circus erupted, ironically, just as Harper is trying to lay a bit of lipstick on the pork barrel by asking the Supreme Court for advice on his government’s proposals for Senate reform, including setting limits on how long they can dine on the public’s dime.

Canada’s 105 senators get $132,000 a year salary, and don’t have to retire before age 75. That can be an eternity for a senator who’s a dud. They also are notoriously hard to dislodge. Andrew Thompson made history in 1998 when he became the first senator to be held in contempt and suspended without pay because of his chronic absenteeism. Even so, he wasn’t ejected. No one ever has been.

Seeking to counter the Senate’s image as a rest home for political hacks, Harper has asked the Supreme Court to rule on the lawfulness of some Conservative proposals for change, set out in Bill C-7, the Senate Reform Act. The bill would limit senators’ terms to nine years, and it spells out a mechanism to let provinces and territories hold elections for Senate nominees.

As far as limiting senators’ terms goes, Harper can’t be faulted for trying. The current system of sinecures-for-life (well, until 75) lets a young senator such as Brazeau (who’s 38) serve for another 37 years. That’s excessive patronage. Shorter terms mean more turnover, fresher ideas and less potential for grief should a senator prove unfit.

Harper’s bid to elect Senate nominees, however, is problematic. Harper wants the Supreme Court to let the government fundamentally alter the nature of Parliament without seeking provincial assent to a constitutional amendment. Bill C-7 would empower the provinces and territories to hold elections for senators, creating shortlists of candidates from which the prime minister would make his choices. While they would still be appointed, these senators would arrive in Ottawa with all the political credibility and clout that would attach to their popular election.

That would set up an inevitable clash with the House of Commons, and would require working out a new balance of power between the two houses of Parliament at the expense of the Commons. It’s a recipe for gridlock, or worse. Ontario, Quebec and other provinces are opposed, and for good reason. It’s hard to see how Canada would be better governed with a Parliament divided against itself. It might be possible but it wouldn’t be wise.

At the end of the day Canadians are less invested in Senate “reform” than they are in knowing that senators are fit to serve.

Original Article
Source: thestar.com
Author: editorial

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